REGIONALISM

 

For many centuries, India remained the land of many lands, regions, cultures and traditions. Region as a geographical unit, is delimited form each other. Region as a social system, reflects the relation between different human beings and groups. Regions are an organised cooperation in cultural, economic, political or military fields. Region acts as a subject with distinct identity, language, culture and tradition.

 

Regionalism is an ideology and political movement that seeks to advance the causes of regions. As a process it plays role within the nation as well as outside the nation i.e. at international level

For instance, southern India (the home of Dravidian cultures), which is itself a region of many regions, is evidently different from the north, the west, the central and the north-east. Even the east of India is different from the North-East.

At the international level, regionalism refers to transnational cooperation to meet a common goal or to resolve a shared problem or it refers to a group of countries such as-Western Europe, or Southeast Asia, linked by geography, history or economic features.

 

Marshall E. Dimcock considers regionalism as a clustering of environmental, economic, social and governmental factors to such an extent that a distinct consciousness of separate identity within the whole, a need for autonomous planning, a manifestation of cultural peculiarities and a desire for administrative freedom are recognized and actually put into effect.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sociological and political thinkers identify regionalism in India as a multi-dimensional phenomenon rooted in identity mobilization, economic disparities, and the "Sons of the Soil" doctrine. Key thinkers and their theories include: 

• Myron Weiner ("Sons of the Soil"): Weiner theorised that regionalism often arises from nativist sentiments where a native population feels entitled to local resources, leading to conflict when migrants (perceived as "outsiders") compete for those same jobs and opportunities.
• T.K. Oommen (Singularity of India): Oommen argues that celebrating the specificities and autonomy of India's multiple linguistic and cultural communities actually strengthens the "singularity of India". He suggests that collective rights act as an antidote to alienation and secessionism.
• Rudolph and Rudolph (Modernization Theory): They posit that as democracy is introduced into a traditional society, individuals engage in identity-based mobilization to secure political power and resources, leading to regionalist movements.
• Iqbal Narain (Classification of Regionalism): Narain identified three types: Supra-state (groups of states against the center, e.g., South vs. North), Inter-state (disputes between states over borders or water), and Intra-state (sub-regionalism within a state, like the Gorkhaland movement).
• Robert Hardgrave (Uneven Development): Hardgrave suggests that when economic development is not uniform, significant regional disparities fuel sentiments of relative deprivation, prompting demands for autonomy.
• Atul Kohli (Crisis of Governance): Kohli views regional movements as a reflection of the "crisis of development" and aspirations for power-sharing, suggesting that more democracy and devolution of power are the solutions rather than less.
• Prerna Singh (Subnational Solidarity): In her work, she argues that subnationalism can be a positive force for social development; for instance, stronger regional identity in South Indian states has led to better welfare outcomes compared to states like UP and Bihar.
• Paul Brass: He characterises regionalism as a permanent feature of Indian politics, whereas nationalism is often a short-term trend. 

 

M.N. Karna

Mahendra Narain Karna is known for his work on the intersection of language, region, and national identity. His analysis often focuses on: 

• Regional Consciousness: He views regionalism not as a threat to national unity but as a natural expression of local culture and language.
• Sub-nationalism: Karna explores how regional movements often emerge from a sense of cultural deprivation or the need to preserve a distinct linguistic heritage, particularly in North-East India and Bihar.

 

 

M.N. Srinivas

M.N. Srinivas, a pioneer of modern Indian sociology, analyzed regionalism through his structural-functionalist lens. 

• Horizontal vs. Vertical Solidarity: Srinivas argued that while caste provides "horizontal solidarity" across a sub-continent, it is the region that provides "vertical solidarity," linking different castes within a specific local setting.
• Regional Forms of Caste: He pointed out that every caste has its distinct regional form, and many social problems like regionalism must be understood through the interrelationships between caste, village, and religion.
• Field-View of Identity: By advocating for the "field-view" (empirical fieldwork), he showed that regional identities are lived realities that often override the "book-view" or idealized national identity.
• Modernization and Conflict: He noted that as India modernized, competition for resources often took a regional or "sons of the soil" character, leading to inter-regional tensions. 

 

Causes of regionalism in India:

 

i)Geographical factors: The territorial orientation based on geographical boundaries relate to the inhabitants of a particular region which are symbolic, at least in the Indian context. This is more so because of the linguistic distribution along geographical boundaries. The topographic and climatic variations along with differences in the settlement pattern induce in people the concept of regionalism.

 

ii) Historical and cultural factors: In the Indian scenario, the historical and cultural factors assume greater significance. The historical and cultural components interpret regionalism by way of cultural heritage, folklore, myths, symbolism and historical traditions. People of a particular cultural group also derive inspirations from the noble deeds and glorious achievements of the local heroes. Nevertheless, there are sudden political and economic realities which can be covered under the gamut of historical and cultural factors.

iii) Caste and religion: When caste is combined with language conflicts or religious fundamentalism, it breeds regional feeling. It leads to dogmatism, orthodoxy and obscurantism.

iv) Economic factors: Uneven development in many parts of the country may be construed as the prime reason of regionalism and separatism. There are certain regions in the country where industries and factories have been concentrated, educational and health facilities are adequately provided, communication network has been developed, rapid agricultural development has been made possible. But there are also certain areas where the worth of independence is yet to be realized in terms of socioeconomic development.

Indeed, the British administration may be held responsible for causing such wide regional variations due to their suitability for the purpose of administration, trade and commerce.

But in the post-independence era, efforts should have been made for regional balance in matters of industrial, agricultural and above all, economic development. This disparity has caused the feeling of relative deprivation among the inhabitants of economically neglected regions. It has manifested itself in the demand for separate states such as Bodoland, Jharkhand, Uttarakhand, Chhatisgarh, Telangana, and so on.

v) Politico-administrative factors: Political parties, especially the regional political parties as well as local leaders, exploit the regional sentiments, regional deprivation and convert them to solidify their factional support bases. They give place to the regional problems in their election manifesto and promise for political and regional development

 

 

In principle, regionalism need not be regarded as an unhealthy or anti-national phenomenon—unless it takes a militant, aggressive turn and encourages the growth of secessionist tendencies

National unity is not impaired if the people of a region have a genuine pride in their language and culture. But regionalism develops into a serious threat to national unity if politicians do not go beyond their regional loyalty and claim to stand only for their regional interests

 

Functions (Functionalist Perspective)

• M.N. Srinivas (Vertical Solidarity): He argued that regionalism creates "vertical solidarity," uniting different castes and classes within a geographic area toward common goals. This strengthens local social cohesion and makes democracy more participatory.
• T.K. Oommen (Pluralist Integration): Oommen suggests that regionalism is a quest for "identity in a plural society." By allowing regions to assert their uniqueness, the national fabric becomes more resilient, preventing the alienation that leads to total secession.
• Atul Kohli (Democratic Deepening): He views regional movements as a sign of "political awakening." For Kohli, these movements are functional because they challenge centralized power and force the state to become more inclusive and redistributive.

 

·       Rajni Kothari provides a crucial political-sociological bridge to the functional and dysfunctional debate, viewing regionalism as a byproduct of the "Congress System" and the subsequent democratic stirrings in India.

Democratic Decentralization: Kothari argued that regionalism is a sign of politicisation of the masses. In his view, the rise of regional identities represents the "lower tiers" of society seeking a seat at the table. It functions to break the hegemony of a single-party center, making Indian democracy more representative and competitive.

Integration through Accommodation: He believed that by accommodating regional demands (like the linguistic reorganization of states), the Indian state actually strengthened its legitimacy. For Kothari, responding to regionalism was a way for the center to integrate diverse groups into the national mainstream rather than alienating them.

 

 

 

Dysfunctions (Conflict & Nativist Perspective)

• Myron Weiner (Exclusionary Nativism): Weiner’s study on the "Sons of the Soil" doctrine highlights the dysfunction of regionalism when it turns into nativism. He argued that it creates a "clash of identities" between locals and migrants, leading to social fragmentation and violence over scarce resources like jobs and land.
• Robert Hardgrave (Relative Deprivation): Hardgrave pointed out that regionalism becomes dysfunctional when it is fueled by a sense of "relative deprivation." This perception—that one's region is being exploited by the "center" or other states—leads to chronic political instability and a breakdown of national cooperation.
• Dipankar Gupta (Mistaken Identity): Gupta argues that regionalism often relies on "invented traditions" or narrow cultural markers. This can be dysfunctional as it replaces broad civic citizenship with parochial loyalties, often manipulated by elites for political gain rather than genuine development.
• Paul Brass (Elite Manipulation): Brass views regionalism as a tool used by regional elites to capture state power. This is dysfunctional when these leaders prioritize their own political survival over the actual developmental needs of the people they claim to represent.

 

Types of regionalism

i)               Supra-state regionalism: is an expression of group identity of several states. In this type of regionalism, the group of states joins hands to take common stand on the issue of mutual interest vis-à-vis another group of states or at times against the union. The group identity thus forged is negative in character and based on specific issue/s. It is not an instance of permanent merger of state identities in the collective identity. Even at times of intergroup rivalries, tensions and conflicts may tend to persist, simultaneously along with their cooperation. Northeastern states in India may be said to have possessed the suprastate regionalism.

ii)              Inter-state regionalism: is coterminous with provincial territories and involves juxtaposing of the identities of one or more states against another. It is also issue-specific. Disputes between Karnataka and Tamil Nadu over the distribution of Kaveri water may be construed as interstate regionalism.

iii)           Intra-state regionalism: indicates that wherein a part of the state strives for self-identity and self-development and therefore, it is taken in a positive sense. In negative terms, it militates against the collective interest of the state as well as the nation. As for instance there is often a feeling of coastal region and western region in Odisha, coastal region and Telangana region in Andhra Pradesh etc

 

Linguistic Reorganization of States It was the demand of Potti Sriramulu, a freedom fighter and a devoted follower of Mahatma Gandhi, that led to the creation of Andhra Pradesh state and linguistic recognition of the states in India. To achieve this end, he died in 1952 after not eating for 52 days in support of a Telugu-speaking state. Sriramulu’s death forced Jawahar Lal Nehru to agree to the various demands from other parts of the country with similar demands. Consequently, in 1954, a States Reorganisation Committee was formed with Fazal Ali as its head, which recommended the formation of 16 new states and 3 Union Territories based on the language.

Demand for Dravida Nadu Going back to the journey of Regionalism in India, it is well noticeable that it emerged with Dravidian Movement, which started in Tamil Nadu in 1925. This movement, also known as ‘Self-Respect Movement’ initially focused on empowering Dalits, non-Brahmins, and poor people. Later it stood against imposition of Hindi as sole official language on non-Hindi speaking areas. But it was the demand of carving out their own Dravidastan or Dravida Nadu, which made it a secessionist movement.

As early as 1960s the DMK and the Nan Tamil organized a joint campaign throughout Madras state demanding its secession from India and making it an independent sovereign state of Tamiland. DMK proposed that the states of Madras, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Mysore should secede from the Indian union and form an independent “Republic of Dravida Nadu”.

 Telangana Movement In the years after the formation of Andhra Pradesh state, people of Telangana expressed dissatisfaction over how the agreements and guarantees were implemented. Discontent with the 1956 Gentleman’s agreement intensified in January 1969, when the guarantees that had been agreed on were supposed to lapse. Student agitation for the continuation of the agreement began at Osmania University in Hyderabad and spread to other parts of the region. Government employees and opposition members of the state legislative assembly threatened “direct action” in support of the students. This movement since then finally resulted into separate state of Telangana.

Shiv Sena against Kannadigas In 1966, Shiv Sena, in Maharashtra, launched its agitation against Kannadigas in the name of Marathi pride. The first targets of its agitation were South Indians who were the workers of Udupi hotels in Mumbai. This agitation was labelled to be a retaliation of the lathi-charge on Marathi speaking people in the border areas. Another tendency of regionalism is seen in the form of concept of Bhumiputra (Son of Soil)’. The meaning of the notion of ‘Son of Soil’ is that “a state or people of a region raise their voice for special protection in respect of the living and employment to those who live in that particular state”.

Bodoland Demand within Assam The Bodo agitation is led by the Assam Bodo Students Union which is demanding a separate state and has resorted to wide scale violence and series of crippling bandhs to pursue their demand. One of the basic reason Assam agitations is because of the expansion of education, particularly higher education, but not industrialization and other job creating institutions is increasing the army of educated youths in the backward regions. These frustrated young men are allured by the movements against the inflow of people from other countries and states. On the other hand these unemployed youths are also attracted by the caste, communal and other sectional agitations fighting for the protection of rights on sectarian lines.

Khalistan Movement It was during the era of 1980s that Khalistan movement with its aim to create a Sikh homeland, often called Khalistan, cropped up in the Punjab region of India and Pakistan. In fact this demand has also the colours of communalism, as there demand is only for Sikhs.

Attacks on Bihar Labourers by the ULFA ULFA continues to attempt ambushes and sporadic attacks on government security forces. In 2003, the ULFA was accused of killing labourers from Bihar in response to molestation and raping of many Assamese girls in a train in Bihar. This incident sparked off anti-Bihar sentiment in Assam, which withered away after some months though. On August 15, 2004, an explosion occurred in Assam in which 10-15 people died, including some school children. This explosion was reportedly carried out by ULFA. The ULFA has obliquely accepted responsibility for the blast. This appears to be the first instance of ULFA admitting to public killings with an incendiary device. In January 2007, the ULFA once again struck in Assam killing approximately 62 Hindi speaking migrant workers mostly from Bihar. On March 15, 2007, ULFA triggered a blast in Guwahati, injuring six persons as it celebrated its ‘army day’.

The MNS Targeting North Indians It was in 2008 that Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) workers began their violent agitation against North Indians. Bhojpuri films were not allowed to run on theatres in Maharashtra. The targets were vendors and shopkeepers from North India in various parts of Maharashtra.

Inter-State Disputes Another form of regionalism in India has found expression in the form of interstate disputes. There are disputes boundary disputes for example between Karnataka and Maharashtra on Belgaum where Marathi speaking population is surrounded by Kannada speaking people, between Kerala and Karnataka on Kasargod, between Assam and Nagaland on Rengma reserved forests. There is a dispute over Chandigarh in Punjab and Haryana. The first important dispute regarding the use of water source was over the use of water resources of three rivers mainly Narmada, Krishna and Cauvery in which states of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra were involved. Disputes also arose between use of Cauvery waters among the states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka. Another dispute arose among the states of Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh over the use and distribution of waters of the Krishna River. Disputes between Punjab, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh overt the use of waters of Ravi River. The Electricity sharing issue between Punjab and Delhi is another example of this.

Creation of new States:

In 2000, three new states were created: Chhattisgarh from Madhya Pradesh, Uttaranchal from Uttar Pradesh and Jharkhand from Bihar. In 2006, Pondicherry was renamed as Puducherry and Uttaranchal became Uttarakhand followed by Orissa being renamed as Odisha in 2011. There have been other movements such as the Bodoland and Karbiland in Assam which have resulted in violence.

 In June 2014, Telangana was separated from Andhra Pradesh as the 29th state of the union, following the Telangana movement.

 On 31 October 2019, the state of Jammu and Kashmir was split into two new union territories of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh.

On 26 January 2020, the Union Territory of Daman and Diu and the Union Territory of Dadra and Nagar Haveli were merged into a single union territory of Union Territory of Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Daman and Diu.

Historical and contemporary demands for the creation of new states and union territories in India include Gorkhaland in West Bengal, Vidarbha in Maharashtra, Bodoland in Assam, and Bundelkhand spanning parts of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. Other significant movements include the demand for Harit Pradesh and Purvanchal in Uttar Pradesh, Saurashtra in Gujarat, Maru Pradesh in Rajasthan, and Bhil Pradesh across the tribal belts of western India. More recently, there have been active calls for full statehood for Ladakh and Puducherry, alongside long-standing aspirations for Kongu Nadu in Tamil Nadu, Tulu Nadu in Karnataka and Kerala, and Mithilanchal in Bihar.

 

Impact of Regionalism in India

Scholars believe that regionalism plays important role in building of the nation, if the demands of the regions are accommodated by the political system of the country.

Regional recognition in terms of state hood or state autonomy gives self-determination to the people of that particular region and they feel empowered and happy.

Internal self-determination of community, whether linguistic, tribal, religious, regional, or their combinations, has remained the predominant form in which regionalism in India has sought to express itself, historically as well as at present time

 Regionalism is often seen as a serious threat to the development, progress and unity of the nation. It gives internal security challenges by the insurgent groups, who propagate the feelings of regionalism against the mainstream politico- administrative setup of the country.

Regionalism definitely impacts politics as days of coalation government and alliances are taking place. Regional demands become national demands, policies are launched to satisfy regional demands and generally those are extended to all pockets of country, hence national policies are now dominated by regional demands. E.g. MSP given to sugarcane, it was helpful for farmers in Maharashtra but it was implemented across all states resulting agitations of farmers belonging to UP, Punjab and Haryana.

 

Suggestive Measures

 i) Doing away with regional imbalance

ii) Check on regional political parties

iii) Top priority to the economic development of deprived zones

iv) Restructuring of the society

 v) Acculturation

vi) Developed means of transport and communication

vii) Proper education

viii)Appeal through mass media

 ix) Create enough employment opportunity

x) Provide Special Packages to backward states

xi) Improve National Integration